In the period prior to Hamas’ invasion and attack on October 7, the Iranian regime acted as the primary strategic backer of the group, offering a wealth of resources including weaponry, training, and substantial financial support amounting to hundreds of millions of dollars.
Recent discoveries by Israeli forces in the Gaza Strip, which include correspondence from high-ranking Hamas officials, have brought this to light. These findings were detailed in a report from the Israeli Meir Amit Center, an NGO with connections to the country’s intelligence community.
“The documents also provide new information on Iranian involvement in preparations for Hamas ahead of the October 7, 2023 attack, including the coordination with Hezbollah and the deployment of Hamas in the Lebanese arena.”
While the documents do not validate the Iranian regime’s claim of ignorance regarding the attack’s timing, they do disclose that “Hamas coordinated with Iran for about two years in the preparation of a strategic operation against Israel, with the leaderships of Hamas, Hezbollah and Iran preparing both at the strategic and tactical level for a defining event against Israel.”
The financial extent of Iran’s involvement in Gaza is starkly illustrated in the findings. One particular document dated July 30, 2020, which was signed by a deputy of the late Marwan Issa, who was second-in-command of Hamas’ military branch, details money transfers that totaled $154 million from July 2014 to July 2020.
It is also noted that the Iranian regime frequently diminished or ceased these financial transfers during times of political discord, using financial leverage to influence Hamas’s decisions.
In 2022, for instance, Hamas reestablished relationships with the Assad regime in Syria, following Iranian urging to consolidate its “Axis of Resistance.”
A letter from Issa to Sinwar and his deputy, Khalil al-Hayya, in December 2022 indicated that Hamas and Iran agreed on a dedicated monthly budget of $7 million for the next year to prepare for a significant confrontation with Israel.
This particular document is part of a lawsuit initiated by families of American victims from the October 7 attack, filed in a U.S. Federal Court, as reported by The Times of Israel.
The letter also outlined a smuggling operation traversing Houthi-controlled regions in Yemen, aimed at funneling ammunition to Hamas.
Hamas delineated strategies for transporting weapons from Yemen through a network of trustworthy smugglers and even proposed the innovative idea of using a submarine for this logistics.
Beyond monetary support and arms provision, Iran also offered training to Hamas militants. The documents reveal that Hamas operated an elite unit known as the “Shadow Unit,” which was directly overseen by Sinwar and was sent to Iran for specialized training. This training included operational instruction on Iranian-made drones, with explicit notes that the unit was gearing up for significant actions against Israel.
Further correspondence from Khaled Meshaal to Issa indicates that Iran backed Hamas’ plans to set up a military presence in Lebanon, aiming to recruit as many as 10,000 Hamas operatives to work under the guidance of Hezbollah’s Radwan Force.
“Iran has been the main strategic supporter of Hamas since 2014,” stated the report. “Senior Hamas officials also publicly thanked the regime in Tehran for the assistance with military means that helped to strike deep in Israel.”
Various instances support this assertion, such as Yahya Sinwar’s remarks in May 2019, where he acknowledged that Iran supplied the “resistance” with missiles which enabled strikes on Beersheva and Tel Aviv during smaller conflicts in 2012 and 2014.
After the conflict known as “Guardian of the Walls” in May 2021, Ismail Haniyeh, who leads Hamas’ political bureau, reiterated his gratitude towards Iran for its military and financial backing.
In addition to bolstering Hamas’ military operations, the Iranian regime also channeled funds and resources to other militant organizations active in Gaza, particularly Palestinian Islamic Jihad, while funding “civil, educational and cultural projects” within the region.
These initiatives included attempts to “Shiitize” the predominantly Sunni population of the Gaza Strip by sponsoring celebrations for Iranian “Quds Day” and distributing materials honoring former Quds Force commander Qassem Soleimani, as detailed in the report.